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Folklore

Native American Interview

By Dorothea J. Theodoratus and Nancy H. Evans

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Interview Procedure

The researchers made contact with pertinent organizations such as the Pit River Tribal Council (Burney), Pit River Health Center (Burney), Redding Rancheria Office ( Redding), Redding Rancheria Indian Health Services (Anderson), Modoc Indian Health (Alturas), Shasta Nation (Yreka), Wintu Tribal Council (Redding), Wintu Spiritual Council (Redding), Karuk Tribal Office (Orleans), Native American Heritage Commission (Sacramento).  The project was explained and discussed with representatives of these organizations.  These persons were particularly helpful in suggesting and locating prospective consultants.  When appropriate, interviews with persons/officers of these organizations have been incorporated as individual interview data.

Name, addresses, and tribal affiliation(s) are provided in each interview summary (with one exception where a consultant chose confidentiality) presented to the Shasta-Trinity National Forests.  Interviews began with an explanation of the study and requests for any general information (e.g., stories, mythology, ceremonial. tribal place name(s), general association) about Mt. Shasta.  The importance of Mt. Shasta to individuals and groups was the initial direction of inquiry.  Persons were then asked about specific places on, or associated with, the mountain.  If any places were known, information to establish historical context and meaning was sought.  Discussion centered on past and present use, type of use (e.g., recreation, spiritual, collection purposes) and extent of use, time(s) of year, names of individuals, and numbers of people involved, statuses and roles of individuals participating, qualities (visual, aural, olfactory) necessary for use.  Where did people stay when overnight on the mountain?  What was the route (e.g., trails, roads) and mode of transportation to get to their Mt. Shasta destination?

Consultants were asked, if mention hand not been made of known places, whether they had heard of Panther Meadow, Mt. Shasta Summit Springs, Coonrod Flat, or Guardian Rock (Tho-uk).  The question of boundary for Mt. Shasta (i.e., does it encompass a specific conceptual area?) was asked to assist the Forest in determining a specific area for a National Register nomination.  If discussion of the proposed ski area had not been initiated by the consultant, the interviewer broached the subject.  Consultants were asked (per Forest Service direction) if they would like any information concerning the project, and whether they would like to be kept informed.  Finally, consultants were asked if they could suggest other people who might have knowledge of the study area.

Historical/Traditional Findings

Interview data clearly demonstrate that Mt. Shasta, in its entirety, continues to be held by northern California Indian peoples as a sacred entity within their physical environment.  The mountain figures prominently in myths and legend that recall significant deeds of times past in general, and specifically world creation for some Native American groups.  For some, areas of significance traditionally are divided at the tree line, and many Indian people would not, unless under very special circumstance, ascend the mountain above the tree line.  Purification has been a requirement as part of an individual's preparation for an approach to the mountain.  The individual's behavior and activities on Mt. Shasta should leave the mountain in an unaltered state.

Particular sites, through time, have provided religious and health qualities that have promoted the well-being of local Indian people.  Medicine people often have received some of their training at sacred sites on the mountain and some persons have participated in healing services at specific sites on the mountain.  Some botanical and geological collection of materials for specific use has occurred on the mountain, and these materials have often been associated with healing, health (sweats), and general well-being of persons.  Data indicate that these traditions have been perpetuated through the generations, based on the beliefs, customs, and practices of the past.

Consultants from the various groups independently agreed that historically it has not been the practice to reside at a spiritual site.  In fact, there may have been spiritual penalties attached to even temporary residence at such a locale.  Traditionally, camps have been cleaned after use and returned to their natural state.  Therefore one would not expect to locate evidence of human occupation on the mountain.  Evidence of past spiritual use is also unlikely to be found since a general rule for the groups seems to have been that spiritual sites must be left "clean."  These traditions negate the potentiality of locating archaeological evidence on the mountain.

Mt. Shasta is a major visual point throughout the area, and, as such, its peak has been used both as a spiritual and geographical locator.  Consultants recalled legends of known individuals and groups returning to Pit River lands from Round Valley Reservation in the coastal range using Mt. Shasta as a visual guide (for additional accounts in 1859 and 1863 see Theodoratus 1981:138).  The mountain has served as a guide and a  mental and physical indicator to tell people when they are home in the most personal sense.  Mt. Shasta has embodied the most prominent position in an interconnecting topography of Wintu, Shasta, and Pit River territory.

Some northwestern California groups have viewed Mt. Shasta as a sacred mountain.  For example, the Hupa traditionally recognize and revere Mt. Shasta.  Historically, the Karuk have recognized Mt. Shasta as a power place outside of their own tribal territory.  The Karuk referred to the mountain as Tuiship ada (mountain with snow) or Oou tuko Tueship (snow hitting the mountain]).  It was not a place of regular ritual for the Karuk; however, since Karuk people traditionally used the Shasta area for commerce, they would have participated in the spiritual qualities of the mountain when they were in the vicinity.

One Karuk family has been intimately involved in spiritual activities on Mt. Shasta, and considers the entire mountain as a historic spiritual site for the Karuk tribe.  According to a consultant from this family, this use has been passed down in a direct line from his great, great grandparents who also inherited its use.  These Karuk ancestors possessed knowledge to train Indian doctors at the mountain.  This traditional training is reported to continue at the present time with the teaching of six Indian people (three Karuk, two Shasta, one Modoc).  This ceremonial use also has been carried into the present according to this family.

According to a Karuk consultant there are many traditional stories and songs about Mt. Shasta.  Many tell how the mountain has healed through prayer, songs, dancing, through doctors and through nature.  Some songs have been created on the mountain through symbols of cloud formation and botanical use.

It is reported that, in past times there were trails that came from Klamath through the Marble Mountains into Scott Valley, then to Dussel Rock and into Shasta Valley, and from there into the mountains around Mt. Shasta.  Many of these old trails have been destroyed by non-Indians who have rendered them impassible.

These trails led to two to three places along the treeline on the mountain's north side and southwest side.  These ceremonial areas would be difficult to locate today since the Karuk require that a ceremonial site be thoroughly cleaned at the completion of a ceremony.

Modoc consultants reported that their elders considered Mt. Shasta to be a spiritual mountain,--part of the mystery of life.  The Modoc saw the mountain as a boundary marker and its peak as a clue to location in Modoc travel (see Appendix).  This past view is carried into present-day Modoc tradition.

The Ajumawi Pit River Indian name for Shasta, Ako-Yet or Yet-acu refers to the mountain in its entirety and as a sacred spirit mountain.  (The Hammawi call it Et ti ja na; Big Valley call it Et; the Atsuge call it Yeh te che na.)  An Ajumawi would address it as "grandfather," as it traditionally represents the paternal grandparents of the Pit River people.  The mountain has been, above all, respected, if not feared for its power.  Any trip there would have involved careful preparation through prayer, fasting, and guidance by a doctor.  Inadequate preparation for such a dangerous place could have resulted in getting lost, seriously injured, or "going crazy," and perhaps, never returning.

A powerful Pit River spirit, called Mis Misa, is said to live inside the mountain and has served to keep the universe in balance.  This spiritual quality has made Shasta and "essential mountain" for Pit River people who have been instructed to listen to the voice of Mis Misa and to pay proper respect to this spirit.

Traditionally, a person would go to Shasta for a special purpose; a doctor who dreamed of the spirit inside the mountain might be drawn there.  If such a dream or vision called a person to Shasta, these powers protected the individual in his/her travels.  A visit to the mountain, after careful instructions on proper behavior, could have resulted in the person receiving self-esteem, feelings of tranquility and relatedness to nature, and/or a purpose in life.  Mt. Shasta has been, and continues to be a place to pray for people and achieve these special purposes.

A Pit River person who intended to visit the summit for religious purposes must previously have visited certain other sacred places, and must have prepared by following a spiritual advisor's prescribed behavior, including fasting and talking to the mountain along the journey.  Incorrect or disrespectful behavior would be punished by the Je su chin (little people, imps or back imps) who might lead them away forever, scare them, or drive them crazy.  Observing the correct behavior, one Ajumawi family continues to visit Mt. Shasta three to four times a year to collect plants for food and medicine.

Stories/mythology have figured in Pit River people's lives, although some people still believe these should not be discussed with outsiders because of their sacred traditional qualities.  These myths are instructive, and have taught the people, for example, that their homeland, the Pit River Canyon, originated when the Creator first travelled to Mt. Shasta for power to establish the canyon (see also Wilson 1991).  For Pit River people, Mt. Shasta existed at the beginning of creation when the earth was forming (see also Wilson n.d.).  It is the specific location from which the continent grew.  Mt. Shasta is also the final place where deceased people go after travelling west around the world, and where they ascend into the sky along the "flowery path" (Milky Way) to the "World's Heart."  Songs, along with respect and prayer, have been required to keep Shasta whole.

Introduction

This report provides the results of an interview program with Native Americans in northcentral California concerning the traditional and historical importance of Mt. Shasta.  The research has been accomplished in compliance with Forest Service (USDA) policy which requires that a cultural resource inventory and evaluation be accomplished prior to any undertaking which might affect that resource.  At issue is whether or not Mt. Shasta is eligible for the National Register of Historic Places in compliance with Section 106 of the National Historic Preservation Act.

Previous field and document research (Theodoratus 1981, 1984) specified Mt. Shasta as a sacred/significant property for the Wintu, Pit River, and Shasta peoples of northern California.  The research (1981, 1984) broadly examined large areas which included the entirety of the Shasta-Trinity National Forests and the Corning and Stonyford Ranger Districts of the Bureau of Land Management (1984).  Mt. Shasta was then identified as an integral part of the landscape within the cultural domain of these groups (Theodoratus 1990).  The mountain itself was perceived as an integrated whole by the native groups interviewed.  The research for the present study has centered on identifying the specific parts of that integrated whole.  Specific sites mentioned by consultants are listed in the Appendix.

This interview program was initiated May 31, 1991 and continued through June and then intermittently in July 1991.  The majority of the work was accomplished by ethnographers Nancy Evans, Ph.D and Dorothea Theodoratus, Ph.D.  Dr. Evans researched primarily with Pit River persons, while Dr. Theodoratus sought input from Wintu, Shasta, Karuk and Modoc persons.  Nevertheless, each researcher had some discussions with individuals from each group.  In addition, Dr. Theodoratus worked with Jan Popejoy, a local researcher of Wintu descent, who added information to the data base.  Indian people were extremely interested in the research, were anxious to provide input into the process and made sincere efforts to assist in data gathering.  Time did not allow additional interviews with other willing potential participants.  It is believed, however, that additional interviews would replicate, and therefore, further verify, those data presented in summary below.

A total of thirty-four interview summaries involving thirty-nine individuals have been submitted to the Forest Service.  Persons consulted are tribally affiliated as follows:
  Hupa   1
  Karuk  4
  Modoc  2
  Pit River 6
  Shasta  3
  Wintu  21
  Other  2

This submission includes composite summaries from ten individuals who discussed the subject more than once with researchers.  In all but one case multiple contacts were noted and presented in a single summary.  In the remaining case, two summaries were submitted because the one interview was conducted in the presence of ten people.  Of these, eight were Wintu, many of whom had input into the data.  It seems appropriate therefore to separate this interview from the more private interview with the major consultant.  Five of the total number of interviews took place in the presence of more than one individual.  Numerous attempts were made to conduct additional interviews; eighteen individuals were unavailable for interview during the field research period.

Twelve historic localities were mentioned by Pit River consultants as having specific significance; eight of these are sites of mythological relevance.  Of the remaining four, one is a sacred spring area, one is a plant collecting area, and the remaining two are sacred sites where correct ritual behavior has been crucial to the well-being of the Pit River people (see Appendix).

The Shasta Indian name for Mt. Shasta, Waka-nunee-Tuki-wuki, is the same as the name for the Shasta Creator.  This name, meaning to "walk around and around, but never on top," should be repeated twice anytime the mountain comes into a Shasta person's vision.  The area above the tree line on Shasta has been reserved for the "Gods," and therefore, is not a place a Shasta person would travel except under special circumstances.

Shasta was the first place Waka stopped after creating the Shasta world.  Certain springs on the mountain are Waka's footprints, and other topographical features were created through Waka's actions.  Besides a creation area, Mt. Shasta is the site of other historic activities also referred to in other Shasta mythology.

Traditionally, if a Shasta person desired purification, he or she might walk clockwise around the mountain, beginning at a cave on the northwest side.  A person would travel about one-half a day at a time, below the tree-line, returning to the starting point at the cave.  A traveler would stay by a creek or spring during the trek.  After walking the full circumference, one could go above the tree-line which is considered to be a place to die.

Another procedure would be required if a Shasta persons wished to make medicine on the mountain.  A Shasta would fast as part of the medicine search.  A seeker most often would go alone and it is customary to leave no trace of one's presence.  The Marble Mountains (kache tuk meaning medicine home) have been the main medicine mountains of the Shasta people.  Mt. Shasta has been considered more important than the Marble Mountains in significance, although they, as well as other geographic places, are interconnected to Mt. Shasta.

The Shasta area is reported to have many tunnels which exist for anyone who wishes to use them.  These caves are the entrance to Mt. Shasta.  Consultants mentioned caves as far away as the Klamath Gorge and the Salmon River connecting to Mt. Shasta.

In fact, the Shasta reported three levels of meaning learned from their elders.  The first is the physical realm which is full of everyday things.  The second layer is for medicine people, and the third level is what Mt. Shasta represents.  Shasta consultants agreed that Shasta holds the world together through its connections with these levels and with the surrounding topographical features.  Four specific sites were mentioned in reference to these historic features (see Appendix A).

Mt. Shasta (called Bohem Puyuik in Wintu) is a traditional spirit mountain for the Wintu people.  To some Wintu the spiritual qualities which reside inside the mountain come out when people attend to activities on it.  Shasta has had a spirit of its own and no person should speak badly about the mountain.  Wintu people have traditionally viewed Shasta as a necessity, because it gives them strength, knowledge and guidance.  The mountain is soothing and helps people keep balance and has provided them with direction for their existence.  As one Wintu put it, this spiritual mountain has dominion over people through time; it has solidarity and is power/being through time.

For the Wintu the mountain fits into a logical realm. Wintu consultants reported that Mt. Shasta has qualities which are informational. Its topography, for example, is symbolic of Wintu history told through myths and legends. The mountain generates sound which carries meaning and reminds a Wintu of its information and provides guidance. Myths put this spiritual realm into their cultural context. The use of, and products from, other mountains (e.g., Glass Mountain) provide protection from those areas and remind a Wintu of his or her connection to Shasta. Because of Shasta, other mountains have gained spiritual meaning and understanding, yet each of these other places has offered the Wintu something unique. According to consultants these other places have the possibility of calling on Shasta for guidance and assistance. While Mt. Shasta has everything, it does not have the specifics of these other places, making this interchange and interconnection between locales especially important. Shasta, because of its special kind of power ("individual spirit") cannot do specific deeds like other places, therefore these other places have had more strength for specific activities. Shasta "has it all."

There is then, to the Wintu, a psychological and spiritual, as well as geographical, interconnection of Mt. Shasta to its surrounding topography. This historic relationship to other mountains is also a concept of non?Wintu Indians who reside in the surrounding areas. At different elevations the mountain has offered different perceptions of the power of nature. The variation of geography, then, has enhanced perception and allowed a Wintu to address many spiritual areas in life.

The mountain has also been perceived as a Wintu power source. Traditionally, Mt. Shasta is included in prayers, and the prayers are stronger if made on the mountain. This also increases the importance of spiritual locales on the mountain. Power has been embodied in rocks on the mountain, so people sometimes have brought rocks home from special places and put them inside their houses.

Wintu people have been cautioned not to go to Mt. Shasta casually because it contains dangerous spirits. Traditionally it has been appropriate to gain access to the realm of the mountain in a spiritual way thus gaining protection from these dangerous spirits. Yet another realm exists inside the mountain and access to this realm might come through the mountainside, which can open up like a doorway. Access vents through caves offer another entry, and these are guarded by certain spirits. Therefore, a Wintu person traditionally has approached and ascended Mt. Shasta with great care and caution.

Historically, a Wintu might have gone to Mt. Shasta when not feeling well, or in a condition of personal imbalance. At the mountain, an individual could pray and seek help on any matter. A Wintu would not live on the mountain. While one could stay for a time in some sacred places, one should never stay on Mt. Shasta, because, in the hierarchy of sacred places, Mt. Shasta is the most sacred. "It has it all." If one tried to live at such a locale the spirits would make him or her crazy.

According to tradition, young people are especially vulnerable to spirits; therefore individuals younger than 14 or 15 years have not been allowed to attend Wintu ceremonies at the spring above Panther Meadow. Likewise, a person would not climb the mountain unless a doctor had instructed him or her to do so, and then he or she would not stay overnight.

Aside from spiritual consideration of the mountain as a whole, a southern area of the mountain had concentrated spiritual activity for the Wintu. (Other areas of the mountain are "reserved" for other Indian groups such as, the Shasta or Pit River.) In past times, when people traveled by foot or when transportation was slower, Wintu people camped at the lower spring at Panther Meadow. Sometimes they would stay a week or more at a time. Children (under 15) would stay in this meadow while their elders attended the ceremony at the spring above the meadow. With easier access by automobile, Wintu people today do not continue this camping tradition. According to some consultants Wintu people traditionally do not camp above the tree line; others said the snow line was the boundary.

According to Wintu tradition, Mt. Shasta has been the home of "little people" (also called "Mountain Boys") who reside inside the mountain. There were no normal" people there so there were no villages in or on the mountain. The little people have always been around when ceremonies are held. They can be heard and the people have always known of their presence. Doctors, have the ability to interpret what the little people say.

A spiritual person would not necessarily go, in a physical sense, to Mt. Shasta. A person may have called the mountain's spirits to assist in ceremonial purpose or healing. A knowledgeable person feels the energy and recognizes its use.

Some herbs have been collected on the mountain, but it remains inappropriate to gather in the Panther Meadow area. Spiritual spring water, however, might have been taken home for specific use, such as for curing. Traditionally, when. a Wintu person is buried, his/her orientation should be toward Mt. Shasta. Within Wintu territory, this generally would mean north. If a Wintu is interred in a non?Wintu Area, then a proper burial would also be oriented toward Mt. Shasta, no matter what the direction.

The spring above Panther Meadow figures prominently into historic and possibly prehistoric Wintu religious use. Several Wintu doctors have been associated with attending the spring during historic times. It is explained that the mountain listens through its link with the spring. Traditionally individuals pray at the spring which responds by bubbling. The responses are interpreted by the doctor to an assistant who interprets meaning to the Wintu people. This tradition is carried on today and many Wintu people look forward to participation (including prayer) in an annual ceremony at the spring above Panther Meadow.

Five specific locales on Mt. Shasta were mentioned as having historical significance in addition to the mountain itself. These include a spring, a meadow, some trails, a locality with mythological significance, and the mountain's peak .

Contemporary Uses and Values

Indian people continue to practice their traditional activities on and beliefs about Mt. Shasta today. For example, just seeing the mountain makes a Modoc consultant feel protected. As indicated in this report, several groups participate in ceremonial activities on the mountain.

Ceremonial activities directed by a Karuk spiritual person take place at the lower end of Panther Meadow, in the flat. They camp near a spring in the flat where the participants obtain sacred water. This ceremony is held annually in late summer, at the moon at the end of July or early August, However, it may be held more often if needed, for example to cure an Indian doctor or some other emergency. A participant must fast so he/she can attend the activity in a pure state of mind. This ritual for purification, lasts from three to four days, although in former times it was held for ten days. Medicine people from other areas, both in and out?of?state, attend and camp at the site.

This Karuk ceremonial leader calls Mt. Shasta Oou tuko Tueship, which means "snow hitting the mountain." This refers to the snow cap on the mountain.

This Karuk family and their trainees collect plants from the area above the lower spring (located in the meadow), such as, pennyroyal (thumcot), a sacred tea, wild onions, wild celery, mountain fir (ina?etherecp). It is believed that plants that grow in rocky areas gain strength from the rocks and sand. Rocks collected from below this meadow are used to heat up the sweat lodge. In addition to the sweat lodge, they have two altars in the meadow.

There are certain qualities required by both the place and the person present in the place. Silence is one of the. qualities required by Karuk for a meditative atmosphere and for fasting on Mt.; Shasta. Cleanliness is desired of any spiritual locale. The person needs visual acumen, particularly in rocky areas where one can see images and/or read information in the rocks. A few places on the mountain have natural seats where one can sit and watch the sun set. These special places are important on the Karuk spiritual level. Altars and seats also occur on other mountains providing a view of and communication with, Mt. Shasta.

While the mountain is valued as a whole, specific sites are also used by this Karuk family and their participants. Medicine on the mountain not only involves going there, but also includes communication with the mountain from a distance. The mountain is considered a transmitter through vibration. One might travel to the top of the mountain without actually going there physically.

Today, Wintu participation at the upper Panther Meadow spring is preceded by attendance at a four?day camp located at Coonrod Flat on Pilgrim Creek. This is a place for camping, visiting and entertainment, but also for spiritual preparation. One particular area, across the creek from the campground, is reserved for serious spiritual considerations, such as dancing and prayer. Dancing at the annual ceremony provides a spiritual connection to the mountain. The dances are held at a locale on the mountain (Coonrod Flat), which further enhances the connection to the mountain. When the Wintu dance and pray there, they always face Mt. Shasta.

Many Wintu are concerned about the intrusion of non?Indians on the mountain, and especially at Panther Meadow. It is unpleasant for them to walk through areas of nudists, and other strange groups, especially while on spiritual quests. People have planted flowers around their sacred spring, caved in its sides, and others have stuffed it with crystals. In addition, large numbers of outsiders trample the area ruining its natural condition.

Many Hupa, and Karuk, as well as other Northwestern Indian people, attend/participate in the Wintu spiritual/sacred activities at Coonrod Flat. Some Pit River people also attend the Wintu annual ceremonies at Coonrod Flat as well as those at the upper Panther Meadow spring. People from more distant places also attend these ceremonies.

Pit River consultants discussed the various ways they participate in sacred and secular activities on the mountain. One consultant climbs the mountain for his personal/spiritual well?being about every five years, but because of traditional prohibitions, sleeps only near its base. And, as discussed in the historic section, one Ajumawi family visits the mountain as much as twenty times a year, but more usually three or four times a year. While on the mountain, observing the appropriate behavior for the tasks, they collect plants for food and medicine. Males in this family might climb to the summit; women are confined to the forest area and around the perimeter. And while many Pit River people agree that Mt. Shasta is appropriate for attaining spiritual well?being, one Pit river consultant was told by an elder that no Indian person today knows the proper way to receive a religious experience on Mt. Shasta.

Mt. Shasta physical eminence serves as a constant in Ajumawi people's lives. It is ever?present visually throughout their territory. As discussed in the historic section, it serves as a force to draw Pit River people back to their own territory if they leave. According to one consultant, Mt. Shasta's spiritual qualities are enhanced by an identical image of it, enlarged seven times, hovering over the mountain. The image with light rays emanating from its lower edge, lead Indian people back from the rest of the world to Pit River country. For those in the area it can serve as a spiritual guide on a daily basis.

Representatives of all groups mentioned the strength of Mt. Shasta's visual capacity on their personal well?being. Because of this value and native tradition no group or person favored any additional development on Mount Shasta, and most deplored the development already there. Many see any development on Mt. Shasta as dangerous to all people in the vicinity of that development because most believe that the mountain will find a way to destroy any such construction on its sacred flanks. Indian people would prefer the mountain be maintained at least in its present state, and most would like to enjoy those areas they deem particularly sacred without the intrusion of non?Indian people, particularly those who interfere by subjecting Indian sacred sites to non?Indian "sacred" objects and actions.

The Wintu, Pit River, and Shasta groups are particularly distressed about the prospects of more development on the mountain, especially another ski area which they believe would interfere seriously with their lives. Some said they had protested when the first ski area was built, but were not acknowledged. Some wonder why a ski area must be there at all. A common statement is, "Mt. Shasta should be left alone." Concern is that such development would harm the energy and strength of the mountain and perhaps dislocate the spirits who reside there. Some believe that a force, like the avalanche that destroyed the first ski area, will supervene; this would happen through the combination of "spiritual work" and the mountain itself reacting to its own desecration.

Because Mt. Shasta is so intricately interconnected to the surrounding topography, Wintu maintain that any disturbance to the mountain will have disturbing consequences on other land in general, and specifically will be detrimental to connected spiritual areas which are resources of the main mountain, Mt. Shasta. Some satellite spiritual areas already no longer exist as a result of development. Mt. Shasta, from a Wintu perspective, must remain as untouched as possible. To the Wintu and the Pit River, Mt. Shasta is imbued with power which must not be lost.

The proposed ski area is thus seen as a violation of the purity of a sacred site.  Violation may render a site dormant and therefore unavailable for healing.  A Karuk consultant believed the former ski area was destroyed because of secular behavior (party atmosphere), and because inappropriate appurtenances were unsuitable to the locale.  Many consultants believed that this could happen again should a new facility be constructed.  A problem would be that the proposed activity "could endanger people's lives."

One Karuk family has actively spoken against the proposed ski area.  Representatives have attended hearings locally and in Washington, D.C. with the intent of curtailing any development on the mountain.  Letters to officials, petitions and meetings with officials have been a part of their campaign to bar development and therefore keep Mt. Shasta for sacred ceremonial use only.

Shasta consultants are also concerned about the projected ski area on the mountain.  They see the area as already being desecrated by environmentalists and new religious groups who go to places which should be left alone.  To build a ski area in the chair of the creator is considered by the Shasta to be the ultimate insult.

Northwestern Indians are generally supportive of Wintu/Pit River/Shasta Indian concerns regarding development on Mt. Shasta.  The Karuk Tribal Council in Orleans, for example, has discussed the Mt. Shasta ski bowl issue and offers their support to the Wintu, Pit River, and Shasta peoples directly involved in the issue.  Modoc consultants are also against development of a ski resort on the mountain.  They would consider it a desecration.

Boundaries for a Mt. Shasta National Register District were difficult to discuss and assess for some consultants.  Pit River and Wintu people are concerned about preservation of the entire mountain under the National Register.  They feel the mountain should be free of any economic activity (e.g., timber harvest, ski area), because of its spiritual nature.  One Ajumawi person set the boundary at ten miles in all directions from the mountain base.  Shasta consultants believed that 3,000 feet would be an appropriate boundary for the National Register nomination.  This level, they said, is below the level of the first snow.

In summary, contemporary Indian uses of Mt. Shasta are clearly rooted deeply in traditional values and beliefs.  The spiritual and secular activities being practiced today on Mt. Shasta are consistent with historic Native American activities.  The information on the sites listed in the Appendix also demonstrates this continuity with the past.  Additional research could reveal other locales or more data about any particular site, nonetheless, it is clear that Indian values and concerns about proposed development are based on their continued concern for Mt. Shasta as well as the qualities which allow them to perpetuate their traditional cultural practices and beliefs.
 

REFERENCES CITED
Masson,Marcell
1966 A Bag of Bones.  [Oakland], CA: Naturegraph Co.

Theodoratus, Dorothea J
1981 Native Amercian Cultural Overview, Shasta-Trinity National Forests.
 Report on file, U. S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service,
Shasta-Trinity National Forests, Redding California, Prepared by
Theodoratus Cultural Research, Fair Oaks, California.

1984 Ethnographic Inventory for Public Law 95-341 North Central California.
 Report Prepared for USDA, FS, Shasta-Trinity National Forests and
 Mendocino National Forest (Corning and Stonyford Ranger Districts) in
 Cooperation with USDI, Bureau of Land Management, Redding Resource
 Area.  Report on file, USDA, FS, Shasta-Trinity National Forests,
 Redding, California, Prepared by Theodoratus Cultural Research, Fair
 Oaks, California.

1990 Wintu Sacred Geography.  Invited paper, Conference on California Indian
 Shamanism, May 1990 at California State University, Hayward.  (Also
 Presented at the 1991 California Indian Conference, Riverside, CA).  To
 be published by Ballena Press 1991 (with Frank LaPena) in a volume on
 California Indian Shamanism.

Wilson, Darryl
n.d. Mis Misa, The Power That Protects the World.  Manuscript in possession
 of the author, Davis, CA.  (Accepted for Publication, Land and Life
 Series, University of Iowa Press).

1991 How the Great Canyon Was Made.  New From Native California 5(3):4-6.
 

* * * * Note * * * *

Pages 12-15 ("Identified Native American Places on Mt. Shasta") as well
 as all "interview summaries" have been deleted for reasons of
 confidentiality.

 

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